總統：我想可以。兩岸已建立互設辦事處的共識，但作法與兩德並不相同。當時，東德於西德設使館，但西德於東德僅為常設辦事處，以避免產生互相承認對方主權之印象。檢視1972年兩德「基礎條約」，並無使用Souveranitat一詞而是以Hoheitsgewalt—統治高權—取代。我認為兩德在「基礎條約」中互相承認對方領土而不碰觸主權問題是正確的決定。雖條約中並未使用主權一詞，西德總理布蘭特 （Willy Brandt）於條約附函東德部長會議主席，表明條約所載並不影響兩德統一。正由於這封信，「基礎條約」得於憲法法庭獲得通過。我想說的是，這需要精密的操作。而即便借鏡兩德，我們並未採取「一德兩國」模式，因其不合於我國憲法。所以我們採「一中各表」的說法。在此基礎上，兩岸得以過去六年的經驗持續發展。是極為重要的。
President: And also, we have actually learned a lot from the experience, especially inhistory, politics and economy from European countries.
For example, Germany has provided uswith a great reference in dealing with the two Germanys, so when we deal with the cross-strait affairs, we actually learn from the experience of Germany. For example, in 1972 the two Germanys signed the Basis of a Relation’s Agreement, and also the ideas behind it have provided us with great inspiration. Also, we have learned a lot from the Ein Deutschland, zwei Staaten, as well as the separation of sovereignty of the government authority, and these have provided us with great examples. Also, from the 1960s to 70s, the countries surrounding the North Sea cooperated to use peaceful negotiations and legal actions to resolve the oil dispute in the North Sea, and all parties concerned could work together to jointly develop their resources, thereby coming up with Brent crude oil, or Brent crude. And also when we proposed the East China Sea Peace Initiative, we actually emulated the spirit of the countries in Europe, and that is a very important source of inspiration. Also, Germay along with some other West European countries participated in the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases in 1969. It was a very successful example because you worked together to promote the exploration of oil, and that has been a very good experience for us.
Reporter: Can I come back to the main land issue？ This year you just mentioned the example of Germany, and that you drew on the example of the two states theory.
Germany also had this model of a representative office in each other’s country, and this has been in discussion for along time, I believe.
Reporter: So, do you think you will still see that in your presidency？
President: I think so. I think we are havinga lot of consensus in establishing the offices in each other’s places. And that would be very different from the one that was adopted by the two Germanys back in 1972 because East Germany set up an embassy in West Germany. But for West Germany, they set up a chancellor’s representative office in East Germany to avoid the impression that they recognized each other’s sovereignty.
I’m sure if you check the language on the 1972 Grundlagenvertrag, you don’t see the word Souveranitat, but rather the word Hoheitsgewalt. That’s a term... Hoheitsgewalt means supreme power, to replace the idea of soverignty. The 1972 agreement went so far as to recognize the territory of East andWest Germany, but they went short of recognitionof sovereignty. I think that’s a good move, andeven though they haven’t used the word sovereignty, Chancellor Brandt wrote a letter tohis East German counterpart, attached to the agreement, saying that whatever was said in the agreement would not affect the eventual unification of the two Germanys.
And that letter saved the agreement when it was submittedto the German constitutional court, and the judges eventually said it’s okay. So what I’m trying to say is that this is a very delicate maneuver, and though we consult, we use that as a reference, but we have so far not used the idea of Ein Deutschland, zwei Staaten, one Germany, two states, because that will also havea constitutional problem in my country.
So we use one China with respective interpretations because each side is allowed to express their idea of what that China is, but in that basis, no matter how fragile it is, it is very, very critical to make what happened in that last six years happen.